
How MAGA Infected American Democracy
By G.J. Nelson
Contrary to Never Trumper discourse, the MAGA movement did not suddenly appear out of nowhere. Donald Trump didn’t descend on a gold-plated escalator onto the political scene and convert millions of Republicans and independent voters overnight. It’s a nice story because it keeps the public from peeking under the mattress, but it’s wrong.
Trump is indeed a unique figure on the right, with his thin-skinned histrionics, cult leader charisma, brazen self-dealing and pathological drive to upend norms and violate the spirit, it not always the literal word, of the US Constitution. The most honest thing about him is his shameless authoritarianism.
But there is a lot more continuity with the past than Trump’s conservative detractors admit. He inherited their base, weaponized their more virulent ideological strains and supercharged their already pugilistic politics. The difference between MAGA and paleo-conservatism is not one of type but of degree. And, boy, does degree matter.
With MAGA, the American right finally found gangsters famous and unscrupulous enough to roll back over a century of gains made by workers, racial minorities, women, immigrants and LGBTQ people. They’re presently shredding the last checks on the wealth class’s power and killing any program that might actually help someone.
If William F. Buckley, Lee Atwater and Gover Norquist were the prophets of this destruction, MAGA is its messiah, the beneficiary of a decades-long project to dismantle the state and reestablish a clear hierarchy of race and class. Trump simply took his place at the top of a monumental political machine primed for his arrival.
We cannot reverse the authoritarian transformation underway without understanding how we got here.
What follows is a series of scattered notes that tell a partial story of how the republic got ensnared in this dangerous demagogic trap. They are steeped in my own ideological biases and polemical tendencies, but I hope they will help others think about MAGA more critically, historically and, most importantly, constructively.
By necessity, I’ve left out a several threads like state politics and gerrymandering, overreliance on polls, and the ascent of Christian nationalism. Hopefully, I will be able to address these in more detail soon.
Part One: Capital Follies
Nineteenth and early twentieth century America was a nation of booms and busts, bubbles and depressions, a cycle of great wealth accumulation followed by mass immiseration. After the Civil War, an unaccountable ruling class of robber barons came to lord over industrial and agricultural laborers, miners, oil field and railroad workers, and virtually anyone else who worked with their hands for a living.
Average Americans fought back, peacefully and violently, organizing and agitating against this status quo of unscrupulous capitalists and proletarian masses. The political class responded with waves of reform.
The Progressive Era of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the New Deal of the 1930s and 40s and Great Society in the 1960s each saw the expansion of rights, social programs, labor associations, antitrust laws and regulations that helped workers, consumers, minorities, women and poor people while taming some of the more predatory corporate practices.
Eventually the excesses of robber baron capitalism and wage labor repression were contained, a regulatory framework was developed that softened economic downturns, the laws that govern financial markets were tightened and often enforced, and more working-class people were able to socially advance, save and build equity, and prosper.
We became fairer and a little more equal, humbled our corporate chieftains, and presided over a world-historical global economy. Setting aside white male supremacy, oppressive rural poverty and exploitation abroad, it was the Age of American Greatness—not the chintzy MAGA knockoff but something real and tangible.
However, the global slowdown, stagflation and high unemployment of the 1970s placed big burdens on the system, which created an opening for free market ideologues, small government conservatives and economic liberals to reset the entire game. In the neoliberal age of the 1980s and 90s, mainstream parties across the West decided they had enough of big government and “unleashed” the markets.
This meant slashing regulations, privatizing public services and utilities, disempowering unions with “right to work” and other anti-labor regimes, and imposing punitive costs on people receiving social welfare like work requirements.
This had benefits, especially for companies seeking to innovate without limits or investors looking for novel portfolios like pensions and prisons. Consumers also benefited from new products at low, low prices brought about by global free trade—even as US industrial labor took hit after hit.
The liberation of capital meant that the very rich could amass more assets, demand astronomical salaries, export jobs out of the US, acquire and radically restructure companies, and transform labor into a largely expendable pool of unorganized workers—ending the age of lifetime employment and guaranteed pensions.
With heavy industry and manufacturing moving overseas, the US began its rapid transformation into a post-industrial service economy. It wasn’t the worst thing ever as the far right would have you believe, but it came with costs. CEOs and bankers got a lot richer, the cost of living rose, and working wages stagnated.
This transformation didn’t happen in a vacuum. Wealthy people and corporations spent decades chipping away at political support for any policies that cut into their profits. Lobbyists diligently advanced their interests in both D.C. and statehouses. Since Citizens United in 2010, their donations have flooded political bank accounts.
They have perpetuated myths like trickle-down economics, the evils of corporate income taxes and estate taxes, the supposed efficiency of the private sector versus the public sector, and how an overbearing nanny state prevents everyone from achieving untold prosperity. I’ve been hearing this stuff my whole half-century on Earth.
Many average people with no vested interest in corporate profits bought into these myths. Which is why a failed real estate tycoon convinced so many voters that he knew how to run a modern economy (twice!), or how DOGE could dismember federal agencies in broad daylight with near complete impunity. The public’s complacency didn’t come out of nowhere.
But the cost of neoliberal mismanagement of corporate and financial sectors to average Americans was high. It was a wild west of Wall Street investments, abetted by a government eager to get people into homes they couldn’t afford, that brought about the collapse of subprime mortgages and the 2008 financial crisis.
We’ve never quite recovered. Housing is more inaccessible, homelessness has become endemic, private equity companies have bought up much of the housing stock, and both cities and states have been left holding the bag for the resulting external social costs of foreclosures followed by the rapid rise in home values.
For all the talk of efficiency, the private sector often makes things less efficient. The private health insurance industry doesn’t provide affordable health care. Charter schools don’t perform nearly as well as their proponents claim they do. And letting private equity buy up tracts of housing doesn’t help people purchase homes.
Instead of using tax dollars to fund robust housing, education, and health care, the US chooses to undercut them and impose a private middle man, a kind of pimp, to take their cut on the transaction.
One of the results of the economic disparities brought about by unleashed markets (not to mention two unsuccessful wars abroad) was more Americans looking for radical solutions and the rise of “burn it all down” nihilism. Idealistic movements like Occupy Wall Street and Bernie Sanders’ two presidential runs tapped into some of that anger, but it was misdirected cultural rage on the right that won out.
Send In the Clowns
Instead of reform, voters picked a reactionary narcissist smeared in more muck than the swamp he claimed to be draining. Rather than blame actual plutocrats or bought-off elected officials for driving social inequality, Donald Trump effectively aimed the ambient rage at women, LGBTQ people, immigrants, racial minorities and leftists.
MAGA burns discontent like rocket fuel. But for all his populist rhetoric, Trump has hit the gas on rising social inequality, slashing public agencies and services in record time, accelerating our transition into a true kleptocracy where all public benefits are privatized or simply discarded.
Despite his rather old-fashioned fixation on tariffs, domestic manufacturing and skimming corporate profits, Trump’s anti-big-government policies have torn away the last protective layer between the American people and private malfeasance. It is perhaps the best example of “creative destruction” the market has ever seen.
The blueprint of MAGA’s butchery is the Heritage Foundation’s Project 2025, the latest chapter in think tanks and corporate media demonizing big government and the public sector to liberate capital from regulations and taxes.
The Heritage Foundation has been cherry picking their way to the same pro-business, “pro-family,” and pro-GOP conclusions for decades. While they always claimed a degree of independence, the rise of MAGA lawlessness was too good of an opportunity to pass up. (At least the Cato Institute still goes their own way.)
Project 2025 is the policy paper to end all policy papers. Its agents are tearing down the already frayed social safety net built by Franklyn Roosevelt and Lyndon Johnson, reinterpreting civil rights laws to favor white people, and radically shrinking most federal agencies regardless of purpose to sizes that can be safely drowned in a bathtub.
Simultaneously, they’re upgrading executive power to monarchial levels, expanding federal law enforcement into a vast secret police force, militarizing American cities, and weaponizing the DOJ to terrorize immigrants and punish political rivals. All while conservative Supreme Court justices idly nod along from the sidelines.
This is the roadmap for creating a rightwing, capitalist-backed dictatorship. Of course, pleasing Trump means that the pro-market ideologues must abide idiosyncrasies like protectionism, cartel (which is to say not free market) capitalism, and attacks on private actors considered insufficiently loyal.
The wealthy people behind this push and those who are amicable to it are willing to destroy the global economy, sacrifice democratic governance and accountability, and pay off a tyrant to do business, and for what? To make some money.
The private sector has been eager to adopt MAGA’s aggression against any internal HR or hiring practice they decide is helping a nonwhite person or woman—regardless of their qualifications. Major corporations have quickly dropped or heavily modified their supposed “core values” to appease Trump. Media companies and their television networks have gone out of their way to bend the knee.
The irony, of course, is that the kind of society MAGA is building is not the competitive, unrestrained free market libertarians and neoliberal capitalists wanted, but rather an intrusive statist system, dumb, corrupt and sluggish, more like a post-Soviet petrostate than a libertarian paradise. It is the worst of all worlds.
Rabid capitalism has engendered a hyper-materialistic culture built around making money at all costs and being as flashy as possible while doing it. You see it in popular music, fashion, reality shows, social media and anywhere else where you can show off McMansions, swimming pools, cars, and especially in bro culture spaces, arm candy.
There’s nothing new about this kind of conspicuous, shameless, and quite frankly brainless consumption, but it’s now the dominant cultural chord. So much of what individuals care about now is niche, but the signifiers of financial success are still near universal. Even as more and more Americans are permanently shut out of it.
It’s in this culture that people like Donald Trump thrive. If the appearance of wealth is exalted, if profitability is placed on the highest pedestal, it makes perfect sense to be ruled by a person who superficially exemplifies it. Grifters are no longer fringe; they’re legitimate businessmen, and sometimes even presidents and federal judges.
If we treated public service, the sciences and arts, and responsible leadership the way we treat wealth, we’d have a very different kind of national politics than what our president, Congress and the courts now offer. We might still be living in a functional democracy instead of a self-dealing kleptocracy slouching toward fascism.
In this new Gilded Age, you don’t have to travel far to find factory towns, impoverished communities, and landless migrants, indicators of a highly stratified system. But instead of addressing causes, MAGA treats these symptoms with more authoritarianism: displacements, arrests, deportations, and occupations. Cruelty.
Part 2: Imperial Dreams and Power Politics
It’s not an original thesis to argue that since World War II, US presidents have accrued incredible power at Congress’ expense. During the Cold War, the executive assumed a central role in guiding foreign policy, military deployments and national security, often running programs outside public view and generally lying about it.
From the overthrow of Jacobo Arbenz in Guatemala and the Gulf of Tonkin incident in Vietnam to the Pentagon Papers and Watergate to secret wars in Latin American and Iran-Contra to the War on Terror, US presidents have sidestepped Congress and the courts and mostly gotten away with it.
Not long after the September 11 attacks, we invaded Afghanistan and Iraq and created the Department of Homeland Security alongside a beefed up national security state under the purview of the executive, one of near unapologetic mass surveillance, secret courts, extraordinary rendition and torture, complete with a legal framework.
When you’re lawless abroad, when you flout international laws (even laws the US itself supported), when you dehumanize non-Americans and Muslims and carry out illegal invasions, it’s only a matter of time before the lawlessness returns to the home front, where executive over-empowerment has already taken root in domestic affairs.
Paralyzing hyper-partisanship, the abdication of congressional powers to the president, the growing reliance on executive orders, and emergence of unitary executive theory among right-wing judges have made the imperial presidency as all-powerful domestically as it was abroad.
It’s Not Illegal When You’re the President
There was once a time when the Nixon administration’s break-in at Watergate and subsequent coverup was viewed as the gold standard of executive abuse of power, but now it would just be another day at the office, a mere 24-hour news cycle to power through.
Richard Nixon should not have been pardoned. He should have been tried and sentenced. Because his successors let him off the hook, real accountability was irrevocably lost, and Nixonian abuse became precedent rather than a red line. Far from containment, Watergate established a new baseline of acceptable criminality.
Later scandals like the Iran-Contra Affair were brushed off by the president while their underlings faced only minor consequences (and careers as pundits). The lies leading to the invasion of Iraq in 2003 should have sunk George W. Bush and the neocons, but instead they handily won reelection and never answered for anything. Some guy throwing a shoe at a press conference was the closest they ever got.
In 2021, Trump sent his most fervent cult members to ransack Congress and pushed every button he could to overturn the 2020 election results. By all rights, January 6 should have led to the immediate collapse of MAGA and its treasonous ringleaders. But nope. Trump’s continued power and wealth shielded him long enough to replant himself on the imperial throne, protected by a complacent high court.
Not only did he skate past any real consequences on his way to reelection in 2024, but he also managed to get the January 6 rioters off the hook while punishing the public servants who prosecuted them.
Our Supreme Court, whose conservative majority reflects the ideological interests of the Federalist Society (a right-wing lawfare org), has actively worked to block executive power when yielded by Democrats while brazenly defending or deflecting challenges to Trump’s seizure of increasingly dictatorial powers and privileges.
In MAGA Land, the external enemy has become the enemy within. American citizens who disagree with them need to be sued, investigated, detained, tortured, humiliated or defeated utterly. Post-Charlie Kirk, we are all in danger of falling under the gaze of the dumbest, most distractible version of the Eye of Sauron.
Right Makes Might
Centrist Democrats have, since the Reagan revolution, treated leftists in their midst as a whimsical distraction, occasional annoyance and, at times, a graver threat than the right. But they’ve spent a lot of political capital over the years extending an olive branch to the Republicans only to have it broken in half and thrown back in their faces.
That’s because since the days of Lee Atwater, the Republicans have consistently treated politics as a winner-takes-all contest for control over the entire country. Surely, you might say, isn’t that what all political parties want? Yes, a healthy political party wants to win and govern.
But for the modern GOP, it’s not a collegial competition. It’s total war. And that win-at-all-cost attitude has mutated over the years into a totalitarian drive for complete control. They don’t see Democrats as healthy competition; they regard them as the enemy, and the existence of a viable center-left as anything other than a bogeyman is intolerable.
Any trick, bad-faith argument, or lie against the Democrats and the broader left is considered a legitimate tactic. And while the Democrats have at least ostensibly rallied around precedent, democratic processes, rule of law, and decorum, the Republicans have waged an all-out battle against all these things.
The Republicans weren’t always this rabid. There was a time when a creature called liberal Republican existed alongside conservative Democrats, when the party was willing to cross the aisle, compromise, seek common cause and work hard to pass bipartisan legislation.
This began to change with the Southern Strategy period of the late 1960s and 70s when national Republican candidates like Nixon and later Reagan wooed southern Democrats hostile to Civil Rights and desegregation into their own ranks and effectively ended the Democratic Party as a major power in the South.
Within a decade, the party got hooked on feeding the part of their base once considered extremists: the Moral Majority, white nationalists, anti-government militias, anarcho-capitalists, and leftover John Birch conspiracists. Talk radio and television rabble-rousers, religious broadcasters like the 700 Club, and an expansive print media ecosystem bonded these disparate discontents with the Republican Party.
As this part of the base’s worldview became more extreme and apocalyptic—fed by the ideological media onslaught—they adopted a more warlike stance in politics, even lambasting moderate Republicans. Eventually, what began as an electorally useful fringe became the party itself. Not just rank-and-file, but their actual leaders.
During the Tea Party years, conservative activists, Fox News reporters, and talk radio personalities pilloried Obama (remember the birthers?) and tried to kill his agenda in the crib, siccing constituents on elected officials to ensure they didn’t give an inch on the Affordable Care Act, stimulus, or anything else they deemed “socialism.”
Republican politicians willing to compromise with the Democrats were labeled RINOs and often primaried by more radical candidates. This was the point where GOP efforts to defeat the enemy became the core feature of the party. Compromise, pragmatism, and good faith debate were out. Lying, insults, and propaganda were in.
By time Trump showed up in 2016, his narcissistic heel style had become the norm, even if a lot of conservatives of the time pretended otherwise. He was the right man at the right moment: a wannabe dictator for a pugilistic, post-democracy party. Solutions to real problems no longer win elections.
Cruel and extreme solutions to made up problems designed to “own” the Democrats and the “woke” left became the only game in town.
Bedtime for Democrats
Most Democratic leaders never quite understood the threat of a revised and revanchist Republican Party. After the Supreme Court handed George W. Bush the election in 2000, they should have been wary. Instead, after 9/11 they largely backed the War on Terror and the invasion of Iraq under false pretenses, ultimately becoming the heirs and overseers of the neocon wars.
With the Great Recession, Barak Obama and the Democrats had an opportunity to impose serious costs on Wall Street for their role in the housing crisis (ignoring the government’s own role in it). Millions of Americans, including progressives in the party, wanted it.
But instead, the insolvent banks were deemed too big to fail and bailed out at taxpayer expense. The economy limped to a soft recovery, but working Americans were diminished. The housing market rebounded, the banks came roaring back, and the one percent accrued more assets while the American dream slipped further away.
This response to the recession reflected the neoliberal shift that began in the Clinton years, a suspicion of any popular solution that reeked of socialism or redistribution. Thankfully we did get the ARRA, a stimulus package that kept the wheels from coming off completely, so credit where credit is due.
And yet, Obama, branded a socialist by the right, received no credit for saving the market and restoring financial solvency. Just like he earned no points for ruthlessly prosecuting neocon wars and human rights abuses abroad. Instead, the right simply shifted the blame from their own leadership to the Democrats.
Obama’s one truly progressive accomplishment, the Affordable Care Act, was treated by the Tea Party as the resurrection of Joseph Stalin, and the man who campaigned on hope and change and reaching across the aisle, ended up being enemy #1 of the militarized Republican Party steeped in birther conspiracy theories.
I’m not trying to stoke old debates, but rather provide an example of how the Democrats treating the Republicans as reasonable, good faith competitors has never worked out quite how they hoped.
No matter how many “welfare moms” the Clinton-era Democrats trotted out or pro-market reforms and deregulations they championed, the right never viewed them as anything other than political foils, and eventually a barrier to flatten.
Since the 1990s, mainstream Democrats and their preferred donors have gotten very good at telling Americans that they can’t have what they want. Politics isn’t just the art of the possible; it’s also redefining what is possible by building new consensus, listening to the people instead of wealthy donors and “centrist” scolds.
This is not entirely fair because it leaves out political realities, like the fact that Democrats must please a wider and more diverse range of interests, and getting votes means compromising. Add a Supreme Court willing to call plays, razor-thin majorities, and procedural monkey wrenches during the best of times, it is very hard to mount an effective bulwark against a radicalized enemy.
But whether it’s wholly their fault or not, the Democrats are the weaker party—even when they’re ascendant.
They simply do not possess the ideological or strategic cohesion of the Republicans (even with all the right-wing infighting) nor their ruthless disposition. If you start with the premise that real change is impossible and offer only half measures, the final product is not going to please your constituents or advance your own lines.
If you tell people the status quo is wonderful when it’s not, you’re not going to win over people on the fence. You’re certainly not going to win over or intimidate the far right. You just make the party willing to break rules, hand down blatant partisan rulings, and ridicule and “own” its enemies seem stronger.
The Democrats have spent years playing “the adults in the room,” the sticklers for procedure and precedent. But now, faced with a true existential threat, they don’t have a clue what to do other than wait for the storm to pass and pray for a hugely successful mid-term election—based purely on opposition to Trump rather than new ideas. And no, Abundance isn’t a new idea.
For too long they ridiculed rather than acknowledged the MAGA threat to the nation. Even January 6 wasn’t quite enough, prosecutions notwithstanding. Instead of fighting a rear-guard action against MAGA, Joe Biden spent his political capital on Build Back Better, great legislation easily undone by a victorious Trump.
The Biden dropout fiasco and Kamala Harris’ campaign seemed to be based on the premise that a majority would never vote in the “crazies” of the far right again. Look at their lousy crowd sizes! Look at the Haitians eating dogs silliness! Look at how weird they all are! This was the fatal desperation of a party that had run out of ideas.
All throughout the 2024 election the Democrats kept pointing and laughing at Trump and his associates, but who’s laughing now?
Feel the Hate
The sad reality is racism didn’t end in the 1960s, homophobia didn’t stop when gay marriage became legal in the 2010s, misogyny didn’t go away when women entered the workforce and Roe v. Wade became the law of the land (for a time).
Racism and xenophobia are a big chapter in the American story. Anti-Black and anti-indigenous racism was one of our earliest core ideologies, one that survived the end of slavery and later Jim Crow segregation. And immigrants have always been popular targets of outrage and violence delivered by nativists. This is all true no matter how much MAGA bullies colleges and museums to rewrite and distort history.
Homophobia remained open and intense long after Stonewall, and the Christian right has never stopped preaching against gay people. A lot of evangelical Christians haven’t even fully accepted interracial marriage. It should come as no surprise then that trans people would be swept up in the vortex of homophobia, especially since their increased visibility made them seem like a novel new threat.
Women have been treated with scorn, skepticism and harassment since before they got the right the vote, really. And since they entered the workforce their rights have been under endless attack from religious conservatives and macho, macho men. The manosphere and trad wife conservatives have practically turned hatred of single working women into a renewable energy source.
Any multicultural republic based on mass participation, where all adult citizens are granted a vote, you’re going to have this kind of tribal attitude from the historically dominant group: in this case, white men. Especially in a republic that is rooted in conquest and slavery. That’s a stain you can’t wash out with a rag and some bleach.
Anytime things get a little hairy in the U.S., when White, straight (cis if you like) men feel insecure and at the mercy of forces outside their control, the reactionary tide rolls in, and all that bigotry suppressed during the good times floods the entire county.
It happened during the conspiracy-fueled paranoia of the early republic; it happened during the radical presidency of Andrew Jackson; it happened during the Civil War; it happened during the backlash to Reconstruction; it happened during the Great Depression and WWII; it happened during the early Cold War and its Red Scares; it happened in the years following Civil Rights amendments and desegregation.
And now it’s happening again. Only this time it’s all being directed by an authoritarian demagogue, his cadre of sociopaths, the Supreme Court and a sizable chunk of the federal government. There are no “adults” left in the room to push back. For the first time since the Civil War, bigotry is an existential threat to the republic.
Starting with the birther backlash, MAGA has surfed the hate wave. Instead of appealing to better angels, shared values or universal humanity, MAGA have fully weaponized the toxic stew or white male resentment, turning a gormless horde of second-rate influencers, failed comics, and angry young men (and the women who love them) into propagandists and foot soldiers in their rabid kulturkampf.
The white supremacist Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville in 2007 was not the wave cresting on bigotry; it was the opening volley in an evil onslaught that has continued to this day. Far from a day of reckoning, it was when the faucet of unrestrained bigotry was tuned back on.
The right wasn’t going to play by the politically correct rules anymore or bother with dog whistles. MAGA ended the period of respectful dialogue around race and sex, however disingenuous, and made the Republicans the party of white revenge.
ICE’s operations, the occupations of blue cities, the attack on institutions that serve minorities, women and LGBTQ people, this entire onslaught is just the laundering of Unite the Right’s core ideology into official policy. And it must be stridently opposed.
Mass Hysteria and Moral Panics
The republic has experienced waves of communal freak-outs, moral outrages and witch hunts since the Puritans arrived and Salem put witches on trial. A big part of MAGA’s electoral success rests on non-stop moral panics. It’s a way of life.
In times of uncertainty, many people reach for fantastical and conspiratorial explanations to make sense of it all, usually blaming the nearest convenient scapegoat. It’s also a highly profitable business model for grifters and political angle for opportunistic demagogues. Make up the problem; sell the fake solution.
Over the last century we had no shortage of alleged evils to lose it over: communism and comic books, horror movies and heavy metal, Dungeons and Dragons and daycare satanists, trans athletes and secret sex cults. Notably, these panics have also sold a lot of books and guest spots on speaking tours.
In the Satanic Panic of the 1980s, fundamentalist Christians claimed that kids were turning to Satanism because they liked scary music and played scary games. Claims of demonic cults operating in secret gripped communities who became convinced that daycare staff were sexually abusing their children as part of satanic rituals.
Outlandish accusations flew, kids were manipulated into giving false testimony, lives and careers were ruined, and when the smoke cleared these panics produced zero evidence of abuse in nearly every case and even less evidence of Satanic influence.
The Satanic Panic is the most recent well-known example of this kind of hysteria taken to outrageous levels, but our contemporary culture is steeped in this kind of “think of the children” social freak-out. You can find this kind of collective delusion across the political spectrum.
A frayed educational system, the siloing of people into partisan factions and online communities, and pervasive anti-intellectual, anti-expertise culture makes it very easy for people to slide down the rabbit hole, to be “red-pilled” into some alternative reality.
Despite the presence of the word “moral” (a misnomer), these panics have very little to do with morality. Instead, they reflect an obsession with harm and danger, hyper-vigilance against unlikely threats and desire to identify easy culprits and solutions.
Morality is only involved when it comes to the self-righteousness of the mob and their choices of targets. Evil must be vanquished, the witch must be burned, the social contagion must be stamped out, whether it’s on a library shelf or drag show stage.
Qanon is perhaps the movement that most closely follows the old template of shadowy satanic forces harming kids just out of view. They take a kernel of truth, like a small minority of wealthy people sexually abusing children, and turn it into a gothic horror story about political rivals harvesting adrenochrome from kids under a pizzeria.
This might sound outrageous but it’s scarcely stranger than all the other panics that have emerged on the right and across the culture generally since the rise of the social media—many borrowed from the more left-coded natural foods, alternative medicine and new age movements that emerged in the 1970s and 80s. Ironic, give how much fundamentalist Christians panicked about these very movements in the 1980s.
One panic that has become scarily prominent, with adherents now in charge of public health, is the furor around rising autism diagnoses. The idea is that a nefarious profit-driven medical establishment is lying about the causes of autism, the safety of vaccines and prevalence of toxins, and worse, scaring parents off real remedies that could “cure” their kids.
The vaccine-autism panic is part of a larger social hysteria over modern medicine and its supposed suppression of effective “natural” treatments that are assumed to be “purer.” The far right is obsessed with purity and likes to think of itself as the natural order, which is likely why they find this kind of thinking so attractive.
People who advocate for it act like they’re on a righteous crusade for truth. Just ignore the morally questionable attitude of parents who see autistic kids not as a source of happiness but instead a cross they are forced to bear. Or worse, the dehumanizing and immoral notion that kids on the spectrum are defective—as RFK, Jr. would have it.
Quack cures and pseudo-scientific medicinal crap have become one of the major MAGA grifts, so it makes sense that Donald Trump—who likely knows that RFK, Jr. is full of it—would quietly nod along with his outrageous claims. Trump relies on an army of grifters and moral crusaders to keep the conspiracies churning.
Besides there are a lot of other panics to stoke, like library books turning kids gay, “woke” pop culture indoctrination, Palestinian rights activists supporting terrorism, antifa super soldiers invading our small towns, Jews replacing white people with immigrants, and a long line of other fabricated concerns the far right loses sleep over.
MAGA, like all reactionary regimes, exists in a post-truth space where a barrage of lies is always preferable to any examination of the facts. To the fascist-type, “knowledge” is just a product you pull out of thin air when you need it. Actual expertise, when inconvenient to your goals, must be dismissed as lies or propaganda.
This lack of concern over legitimate knowledge or how its formed makes far-right political movements friendly to crank theories. Moral panics about evil forces in society corrupting the youth or drinking their blood—which really got started with medieval antisemitism—are a perfect complement to the politics of demonization.
As for the kids, the biggest purported “victims” of these occult conspiracies, they can freely live in poverty, die in school shootings, be separated from their families, be sentenced as adults, work in factories, suck down pollution, and die of a preventable childhood disease.
I’ve said it once, and I’ll say it again: MAGA’s leadership does not think, nor care, about actual living children. Only their own brood and the unborn matter. All the structured water, crystals and horse tranquilizers in the world aren’t going to change that.
Part Three: Media Matters
While the presidency was powered up and right-wing ideology became more extreme, conservative capitalists built a massive media apparatus to disseminate and reinforce toxic ideas for fun and profit. Initially this included radio, magazines, tabloids, local and cable news, but grew to encompass online news sites, web forums, content farms and the whole influencer/grifter ecosystem.
Since this process began in earnest with the repeal of the fairness doctrine in 1987 and the rise of cable networks, the right-wing media machine has amassed an empire of platforms to pump out 24-hour-a-day propaganda and slanted news designed to engage and enrage conservatives with culture war saber rattling and resentments.
Right-wing media can reach their audience virtually anywhere online or off with bad-faith arguments, conspiracy theories, and violence-tinged rhetoric. No matter how one receives their news, there is a steady stream of toxic content waiting for them. And the deeper you go, the worse it gets.
It’s so pervasive that even people who actively try to avoid it can’t. In fact, the more it rattles everyone else, the better. It just means more eyes on the screen. And if the right is talking about something you can bet the “liberal” media is too. Because it gets clicks and ratings.
Ideology alone could not have made this happen. Above all, moguls, media companies and tech barons want to make money with ads and selling user data to sponsors, marketing firms, data miners, and political operatives. It’s like Greed itself manifested a political movement, knowing that yellow journalism and outrage increase market share.
Instead of pursuing high-quality, “objective” reporting, you offer entertainment value and membership to an ideological cult bigger than yourself. Make your audience feel like insiders sharing in dark truths of their hated enemy. Envelop them in the political equivalent of exciting genre fiction, a fantasy with dangerous real-world implications.
Why don’t they pander to the left? Leftwing beliefs aren’t profitable, and their ideas are adversarial to corporate interests. The owners and shareholders have a vested interest in not paying taxes, getting regulators and environmentalists off their back, neutralizing unions, and making more money. They very much see the left as a threat.
They need business friendly conservatives (and liberals too), libertarians and far-right politicians to keep them fat and happy. It’s not just ideology; it’s good business sense. And right now, the down-market fascists of MAGA are offering them the best deal—even if it comes with inconveniences like federal predation and crippling tariffs.
Trump is the perfect president for these people because he spends so much time running his mouth and tweeting out new content designed to appeal to their market demos and irritate everyone else. And that means money.
It’s a massive pyramid, with the president, politicians, think tanks, cable news, and major websites at the top, a middle layer of social media bloviators on X, run-of-the-mill right-wing news aggregators, conservative magazines, and major podcasts, and a lower but much broader layer of bottom feeders: sleazy YouTube influencers, grifters, Qanon types, and Laura Loomer.
These bottom feeders are not passive consumers, but produce new hot takes, lies, and propaganda which percolate to the top for refinement. What they all share is a desperate desire for political access, brand notoriety, and above all things, cash money.
Tied up in all this is the dark money streaming out of super PACs, a revenue stream that ensures the existence of a large collection of media figures, activists, influencers and bots spreading the latest talking points far and near.
Despite the right’s often shambolic appearance, they effectively speak with one giant booming voice, and right now that voice belongs to MAGA. Whatever the Big Lie is this week, there is army of media hacks, activists and sycophants ready to echo it. Yes, they fight among themselves, but when they rally they act as one.
Liberals and leftists have a superficially similar media apparatus as the right, but it lacks the ideological unity, high profitability, and all-encompassing largess of what the right has built. It’s more of a loose network of everyone who isn’t a committed conservative or right-winger.
Unlike the more lockstep right, liberals and leftists spend a lot of time debating each other over differences both trivial and deep, practical and ideological. But since no one on the right cares about it or even hears it—they basically live in a different reality—most of the rhetorical ammo is wasted on friendlies.
This isn’t necessarily all bad. The range of viewpoints found in centrist, liberal and leftwing media is a good thing in a functioning democratic society (which we are not). After all, the whole point of having an open society is presenting and debating ideas and solutions, so things get fixed.
But it can also be incredibly demoralizing to see people pedantically bickering over water conservation when the house is on fire. The rise of American fascism requires clear and consistent response. If the center and left can’t cohere, MAGA’s tentacles will happily probe the fissures with divisive propaganda.
As for the traditional mainstream “liberal” (by which I mean centrist) news sources, the prognosis isn’t great. Despite being scorned by the far right, these entities have happily platformed far-right agitators because they know it attracts views and online chatter and keeps their content relevant in a reactionary age.
CNN, the New York Times and the Washington Post (and countless local newspapers) normalize the horrors of this political moment by reporting on it in a bloodless, “unbiased” way, feeding endless both-sider debates among self-appointed centrists. It’s great to have conservative voices and genuine debates in these spaces. It’s core to democracy.
But for MAGA it’s just another front to advance their lines, another place to launder their lies in an all-out war against liberal democracy. And lately, a lot of these news organizations are surrendering before a shot is fired. CBS and Paramount have all but bowed before MAGA to avoid FCC meddling and frivolous lawsuits. It’s all business.
This is all to say that while physical reality may or may not have a liberal bias, the media landscape most certainly does not. And that’s where public perceptions are largely formed.
The Internet
Remember the late, great World Wide Web, that utopian project that grew out of the early Internet and was—according to its boosters—going to lower national borders, liberate human expression and free speech, and turbocharge democracy and civic participation? Everyone was going to have their own space online, and people from all over would come together, making the world smaller and more integrated.
Now, 35 years later, the Internet is a giant noise machine, largely run by corporate monopolies, that is very good at generating and spreading disinformation, propaganda, racist memes, clickbait and rage bait. A digital landscape of partisan echo chambers, pop culture diversions, porn—and increasingly, AI slop and deepfakes.
I don’t like playing the technological panic game, blaming the whole of the Internet for every social problem under the sun. It’s too easy to lay all societal failures at the feet of online platforms. There is so much great stuff online, so many useful applications and enjoyable (even educational!) user-created content. There is a lot to love.
But sadly, social media has a problem with quality control and moderation. And with an aggressive right-wing push globally against democracy willing to use the cudgel of free speech to bolster toxic content, it has become the top facilitator of extremist ideas and conspiracy theories across the globe. The Internet provides quasi-social spaces where people can marinate all day in whatever inane nonsense makes them feel good.
Social media algorithms have done a fantastic job spreading dangerous crackpot ideas and selling snake oil (see anti-vaxxers) to sometimes fatal results. Racism and Christian Nationalism run naked and free, normalizing and weaponizing people’s worst impulses. Small online communities cheer on mass shooters and extremists of the right and left.
Meanwhile, the apolitical can while away their days in endless pop culture reaction videos and commentary. Their hourly investment in mindless lifestyle entertainment makes television—once a source of moral and social decline panic—look like a quaint curiosity.
Very early in its life, the web was captured by capital and commerce. Since the dot com bubble burst in 2000 and the rise of the app, the Internet very quickly got chopped up by a handful of monopolistic companies (Google, Amazon, Meta, Apple, etc.) who acquired every platform they could get their hands on, sucking up untold zettabytes of user data to be monetized.
Even as Trump and MAGA transform the country into an authoritarian nightmare, the right continues to flood the online zone with political junk food. They have turned all efforts to effectively regulate or moderate content on its head, opening the flood gates of toxic waste under the guise of protecting conservative speech—even while dismantling free speech protections in communities, schools and universities in meat space.
As in traditional media, capital won. Tech behemoths need users to generate content to get other users to look at ads, click links, offer up their personal data for resale, and pay rents on premium content. This is their whole business model, and LLMs and other generative content is about to make it worse, much worse, at least in the near term. The content churn will be relentless.
Part Four: Is this the End? No.
It can seem a little hopeless looking at the sheer size and scale of the machine holding up MAGA. There is a nearly overwhelming array of organizations, media, special interests, movements and capital tied up in this. It’s hard to disentangle it all.
We need to rid ourselves of any assumption that when Trump dies, the machine will fall apart as his successors squabble over his legacy. It’s a tempting possibility to cling to, but it’s far from assured. The machine is designed to move the entire Republican party in lockstep, which means MAGA’s floor of support is rock solid and their leaders’ propensity to lie about their successes and failures will keep them in play. Republican turnout remains high, at least for now.
People who question J.D. Vance’s charisma are right—the man is a piece of cardboard—but if the machine wants him to carry on the MAGA agenda, he will be well positioned to run and win. And whatever happens in the mid-terms or next presidential election, it will be very hard to claw back checks and balances, the rule of law, and public-serving agencies—especially if the right and its courts continue to undermine these efforts at every turn.
No matter what, we have decades of work ahead of us. It will likely become a more fraught and dangerous endeavor as MAGA ramps up their attacks on political threats real or imagined. But we have no choice if we want to live in a democracy with civil and human rights under the law and under God.
The good news is if we can trace the steps to how we got here, we can find our way back out. I have shown part of the path that brought us to this point. It can be reversed in time provided there is willingness to wage a long political struggle to build a more perfect union, a republic less susceptible to corruption and demagoguery. I believe there is. I have to.
That means fighting and winning short-term political and economic battles until there is enough of a popular groundswell that MAGA cannot survive even with their gerrymandered districts and voter restrictions. Without creating a new majority, we will not be able to carry out the political changes required to restore and bolster democratic institutions and carry out reforms to neutralize the anger and nihilism that fuels far right movements like MAGA.
We need popular leaders, we need social movements, we need an alternative moral vision, and we need make the case for rejecting the poison pill of false security that Trump and his sadistic cult offer. I know that’s a tall order. But if we cannot succeed in this, this nation will perish in civil war, personalist tyranny, or nationalist isolation.
Bear in mind that the coalition of powers and people that keep the MAGA cult humming along do not agree on everything, or even most things. They’re united by what they hate, not what they love. They are mortals just like us, but quicker to anger, more impatient and sensitive to slights, and prone to unforced errors. Eventually they will turn on themselves.
Democracy may be on retreat now, but that won’t always be the case. MAGA’s leaders may think of themselves as the end of American history, the final word on the republic, but history has a funny sense of humor and is just as prone to punish the wicked as the weak. It’s precisely when demagogues think they have a handle on things that they lose control. The twentieth century is littered with their failed states.
Physics still exists. The material world still exists. So much of our discourse happens online, but we don’t live in a virtual world. We don’t breathe virtual air or eat virtual food. We are constrained by our bodies, our cities, our ecosystems, our food supply. And the decisions being made today, that are being allowed to be made against all sense, will impact us in the real world. We can’t hide online.
There are consequences to our actions: economic ruin, wars, health care disasters, disease spreading unchecked, climate-driven floods, fires, and failures. Once these maladies play out—and they most certainly will—even the base will likely collapse and what’s left will divide and mutate into smaller, more virulent strains.
MAGA cannot lie, censor, intimidate and repress their way out of this reality, and the facts on the ground will win out. And their deceptions can only keep the flock walking in a straight line for a while; they will stray.
I’m not saying this is going to be easy or even safe but it’s a fight that must be won. We cannot return to monarchism, feudalism or nineteenth century imperialism. The planet cannot survive it; humanity can’t endure it. If we fail, it’s lights out on the democratic experiment.
Remember, MAGA isn’t governing us, not We the People. They are acting on behalf of a captive audience and alienating everyone else. They can’t control millions of people who don’t want to be controlled. On Earth as in Heaven, judgment is coming.



